CREEK INFORMATION

In the administrative report of Dr. J. Walter Fewkes, Chief of the Bureau of
American Ethnology, for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1921, Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt
reported that he was "at work on some material relating to the general culture
of the Muskhogean peoples, especially that relating to the Creeks and the
Choctaw." He went on to say that--
     In 1881-82 Maj. J. W. Powell began to collect and record this matter at
first hand from Mr. L. C. Perryman and Gen. Pleasant Porter, both well versed in
the native customs, beliefs, culture, and social organization of their peoples.
Mr. Hewitt assisted in this compilation and recording. In this way he became
familiar with this material, which was laid aside for lack of careful revision,
and a portion of which has been lost; but as there is still much that is
valuable and not available in print it was deemed wise to prepare the matter for
publication, especially in view of the fact that the objective activities
treated in these records no longer form a part of the life of the Muskhogean
peoples, and so cannot be obtained at first hand. In addition to this material,
it is designed to add as supplementary matter some Creek tales and mythic
legends collected by Mr. Jeremiah Curtin.
     At that time I was preparing my extensive Creek material for the press and
suggested to Mr. Hewitt that he print his own notes first so that I could refer
to them. But although the administrative report for the year following indicates
continued work by Mr. Hewitt on his manuscript and it appears that he took it up
again in 1926 for a time, it remained unpublished at the time of his death.
     Although Choctaw is mentioned in the administrative report of 1920-21 as
well as Creek, the material is practically all Creek. The greater part of this
Hewitt had copied, in a somewhat amplified form. I have checked his copies by
the originals and have completed the copying. The material is not very extensive
and in considerable, measure it duplicates what I published in the Forty-second
Annual Report of the Bureau, but there is some information which is unique.
    The greater part of this material was obtained from Legus F. Perryman of the
Okmulgee or Big Springs town and the remainder from Gen. Pleasant Porter, also
of Okmulgee. Porter was at one
time head chief of the Creek Nation and Perryman probably accompanied him as his
"interpreter", though both appear to have been able to speak and write English,
and most of these notes were originally written down by them. Mr. Hewitt states
that they were obtained at Jersey City in 1881-82, but on one sheet appears the
address "Tremont House, Washington, D. C.," and so it is probable that some
additions were made in Washington. This would seem to be implied by Hewitt's
reference to Powell's part in obtaining them. In 1881-82 Hewitt was working over
Iroquois material with Mrs. Erminnie Smith, generally in New York State, but.
the place of residence of both was Jersey City. Some notes were evidently added
in 1883. The editor met Mr. Perryman once in 1912, not many years before his
death. In the 30 years that had elapsed between these two dates it is evident
that much had dropped from Mr. Perryman's mind. Be that as it may, many of the
items in this paper have never been printed before and add some valuable details
to our knowledge of the ancient Creeks, and this in spite of the fact that
Okmulgee was one of the towns most rapidly affected by European influence. It
was formerly one of those affiliated with the Hitchiti, speaking the Hitchiti
language which was nearer to Choctaw than to Creek.

Notes on the Creek Indians                    

     The editor has preferred to risk some repetition of material already
published in the Forty-second Annual Report of the Bureau and other papers
rather than the omission of material that might be of service for a fuller
understanding of the ancient Creek organization. Wherever the pronoun I appears
it is the editor who is speaking, but it will not be difficult to separate the
few comments that he has added.

Towns1

     At the time when Porter and Perryman were interviewed (1881-82) they stated
that there were 49 towns, each occupying a distinct territory, but that they had
increased greatly after white contact and that tradition said there were
originally but 18. These were all divided into two classes, one called the
Italwalgi (Itulwulki) and the other the Kipayalgi (Kipayulki, Kipoywulki,
Kupahyulki).2 This last is also given as Tipayulki but this form seems to be
erroneous. The towns called Italwalgi had control of important matters relating
to civil government. Their badge was white, the emblem of peace and wisdom. The
towns (or tribes) called Kipayalgi had charge of military affairs, and their
badge was red, the emblem of war and prowess. In many respects the former had
executive functions, while those of the latter were legislative and judicial.
The colors mentioned were painted on doorposts and on various articles, and were
used in bodily decoration. All of the people of a town, whether of White or Red
clans, belonged as a whole to one of these two classes. Although the White towns
were entitled to the civil offices, sometimes the Red towns obtained such
dominion and power during war that they kept them when peace came. For instance,
the White towns had civil control of the Creeks from time immemorial up to the
Revolution of 1776, and then the Red towns obtained power and kept it until
1861. Since the Civil War, 1861-65, the White towns have again been in control. 
The White towns took sides under McGillivary with the British and this may have
caused the change of power to the Red towns. The following list of the eighteen
original towns with their daughter towns and the division of the nation to which
each belonged is given by Perryman, but the more usual spellings of the town
names leave been substituted.

White Towns

I. Tulsa-------------------------- {1. Otclapofa ("In the hickory grove").
{2. Tulsa Atcina-hetchee ("Cedar Creek Tulsa" or "Little River Tulsa").
{3. Tulsa Kaniti ( "Tulsa Canadian").
{4. Lutcapoga ("Turtle Place").
Nos. 2 and 3 represent a division which took place after they migrated west.
There is a note to the effect that the Tusked came from Tulsa but this is
erroneous.
II. Tuskegee--------------------- {1. Oi-tcadi Tuskegee ("Red Water Tuskegee")
{2. Kaniti Tuskegee ("Canadian Tuskegee").
These two towns had divided only a short time before.
III.------------------------------ {1. Tallahassee ( "Old Town").
{2. Tukpafka ("Spunk Town").
{2a. Koasati
{Wakokai ("Blue Heron Town"-the place where they nested).
No. 1 is said to have been "the first." No. 2a was inserted later and the
insertion is erroneous. The name of No. 4 is also that of the Mississippi River.
IV. Okfuskee-------------------- {1. Okfuskee.
{2. Tcatoksofka
{3. Abihkutci.
{4. Nyaka.

"These four were all one and this one was called Okfuskee. Before that they were
all Tulsa and the Tuskegee were also at first Tulsa; all the White towns were
originally Tulsa.3 All carne out of the ground at the Rocky Mountains."
No. 2 is said to have been modern, only 50 years old in 1882. 
V. Hitchiti ----------------------- {1. Talwa lake.
{2. Okinulgee (or "Big Spring").
3. Sawokil (extinct).
4. Okitiyakani (extinct).
The first three were originally one town called Hitchiti. This is somewhat
confusing for Hitchiti is also given among the numbered towns.  
VI. Kasihta.  
VII. Lalogalga ("The fishery-fish pond").  
VIII.---------------------------- {1. Wiwohka ("A-wo'-ka") ("Roaring Water").
{2. Okchai.
No. 1 separated from No. 2.
IX. Asilanabi ("When the tea stem is green" or "Place of green leaves." The
"tea" is said to have been from wintergreen leaves but this is doubtful)
X. Abihka, The gate of the nation. 1. Abihka.
2. Talladega.
3. Kan-teadi.
There was only one square at first but "of late they have had three squares."
XI. Pakan-tallahassee. From what town lately sprung is not known.


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1 See Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1928; also F. G.
Speck, Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians, Anthropological Publications of the
University of Pennsylvania Museum, vol. 1, No. 1, Philadelphia, 1909 ; and F. G.
Speck, The Creek Indians of Taskigi Town, in Memoirs of the American
Anthropological Association, n. s. vol. II, pt. 2.
2 Italwalgi seems to mean "his own towns" and Kipayalgi or Inkipayalgi, "his
opposites," and it is believed that the applications of these would change with
the individual. Perryman and Porter belonged to a White town and therefore their
Italwalgi ,sere Whites and their Kipayalgi were Reds. Had they belonged to a Red
town the appellations would have shifted accordingly.
3  This Is certainly wrong. The Tuskegee were connected with the Alabama and
Koasati

NOTE: In the words Italwalgi and Kipayalgi there should be a dot over the a.


Red Towns

I. Coweta----------------------- {1. Coweta.
{2. Likatcka.
These two towns were formerly one.  
II. Tukabahchee.  
III. {1. Holiwaliali.
{2. Laplako. 
IV. {1. Kaialedji.
{2. Hatchee teaba.
These were one and came from Tukabahchee.
V. 1. Atasi.
2. Tal-muchasi.
These were one.  
VI. {1. Eufaula.
{2. Eufaula hobai ("Eufaula far away").
VII. {1. Chiaha.
{2. Osochi.
{3. Hotalgihuyana ("Whrilwind Track")
These three were one.

     Towns confederated with the Creeks but speaking other languages were the
following
     1. Yuchi (adopted by the Kasihta).
     2. Alabama.
     3. Koasati.
     4. Hitchiti.

     The Yuchi language was very different from the Creek. The others resembled
one another and were similar to Choctaw.
The following tribes were. conquered by the. Creeks or were remnants of peoples
incorporated with them:

1. Apalachicola.
2. Yamasalgi.
3. Nokfilalgi.
4. Natchez.

     These four were thought. to be extinct but the first continued under the,
name Talwa lako, and there are a few Natchez even today. Perryman thought that
the Alabama, Hitchiti, and Koasati had sprung from the Apalachicola and he is,
indeed, supported by their languages. A note says that Alabama, Hitchiti,
Koasati, and Natchez were like Choctaw but that is not. true of Natchez, though
Natchez is remotely connected with the Muskhogean tongues.
     The information above given corresponds in almost every detail with that
which I obtained 30 years later, but, as already stated, Koasati was in no way
connected with the Tukpafka group of towns, and the same may be said of
Tuskegee. I did not learn of a town corresponding to Tallahassee from which the
Tukpafka group are supposed to have come, and Perryman was clearly wrong, or
misunderstood in separating Lalogalga from Okchai and Asilanabi. The
relationship of these three is so well recognized that not a suggestion of any
difference in origin reached me. On the other hand, I am not certain that
Wiwohka belonged with them, though the connection is probable. It will be
noticed that, although the group to which Kaialedji and Hatchee-tcaba belongs is
made coordinate with Tukabahchee, it is stated specifically that the former came
from the latter, but the information I received regarding Tal-muchasi would
separate it from Atasi and align it with the Okfuskee towns. This I believe to
be correct, because the connection is stated by Hawkins. Atasi, as well as
Kaialedji, is commonly believed to lave sprung from Tukabahchee. Either Perryman
did not know that Apalachicola and Talwa lako were names for the same town or,
what is more probable, he was misunderstood. The Yamasee were connected with the
Hitchiti in language, and Gatschet was given to understand that Nokfilalgi was a
name for the Timucua of Florida.
     A town was usually designated as a "fire,'' for a council fire was
always kindled in it in a prescribed place, and the houses of the village had to
be built within a drumbeat of that. The man who had charge of the fire was an
important official and was called Tutka-titca, signifying "five maker." Each
town had a certain amount of land under cultivation and whenever a child was
born it, was proportionately increased, an extra allotment. being made. At the
annual festival a census was taken by means of sticks (the "broken days") and if
it showed all increase in population, more land was taken in. This, of course,
applies to the time when there was plenty of waste land around the towns If they
found they were decreasing--I suppose this means decreasing seriously-they
attributed the calamity to the tythe (tie) snake and removed.
     Towns, like clans, were perpetuated matrilineally, each person belonging to
the town of his or her mother.

Clans4

     Among the Creeks the clan was a body of kindred, actual or by the legal
fiction of adoption, which did not embrace the entire body of persons
represented in a community having a kinship system. The persons who belonged to
a clan might be regarded as the descendants of a common ancestor, a woman,
through women. Only the descendants of the women belonged to the clan. The
descendants of the males belonged to the several clans with which they had
intermarried. Thus, a group of brothers and sisters belonged to the clan of
their mother; but only the children of the sisters remained in the clan; the
children of the brothers belonged to the clans of their wives, as has just been
said.
     The organization of the clan was based on kinship. The unit of the
organization of the tribe was the clan, since each tribe was composed of a group
of clans. The town was usually constituted of a number of segments of clans,
each segment retaining its blood kinship rights and duties. Each household or
fireside, of course, consisted of members of two different clans.
    



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4 Forty-second Ann. Rpt. Bur. Amer. Ethn., Washington, 1928, pp. 114-119 ; F. G.
Speck, Ethnology of the Yuchi Indians, Anthrop. Purls. Univ. of Pa. Museum.

The clans were separated into two divisions, one called Hathagalgi, "People of
the White," and the other Tcilokogalgi, "Foreigners," who were enemies,
fighters, bloody} red. One authority called the second of these "Olumhulkee",
probably intended for Lamhalgi, "Eagle People," the Eagle clan, although now
nearly extinct, having at one time been important. Each of these is said to have
consisted of four principal clans front which the others had theoretically,
become separated, and these, along with solve of their subdivisions, were given
by Perryman as follows:

Hathaga (White Moiety)

I. Hotalgalgi, Wind Clan.
     a. Konalgi, Skunk Clan.
II. Itchaswillgi, Beaver Clan.
III. Nokosalgi, Bear Clan.
    a. Yahalgi, Wolf Clan.
IV. Fuswalgi, Bird Clan.

Tcilokoko (Red(?) Moiety)

I. Aktayatcalgi, said to be the old name.
   a. Toclalgi, Fox Clan.
II. Katcalgi, Panther Clan
   a. Kowakatcalgi, Wildcat Clan (all cat clans came from it).
III. Ahalagalgi, Potato Clan.
   a. Halpatalgi, Alligator Clan.
   b. Wotkalgi, Raccoon Clan.
   c. Sopaktalgi, Toad Clan.
IV. Itcoalgi, Deer Clan.

    The arrangement by fours falls in line with a tendency noteworthy in
Morgan's treatment of clans among various tribes and might be attributed to him
since his influence was all-powerful in the Bureau of Ethnology in its early
years. This, however, would be a mistake. The number four is the cardinal
ceremonial number among the Creeks and use of it may readily be attributed to
that fact. Again, so far as the White clans are concerned, the data I got agrees
precisely with that of Perryman. Even in this moiety it was probably a con-
vention, as I learned from two or three good sources that the Ka- tcalgi--of all
clans--had formerly been on the White side. The ar- rangement of clans in the
Red moiety is still more doubtful, outside of what has already been said of the
Katcalgi. The Aktayatcalgi and Ahalagalgi were sometimes put together. More
often the Tcolalgi were associated with the Ahalagalgi. On the other hand, the
Wotkalgi were usually made one of the leading clans, or the leading clan of its
group, and the Halpatalgi were generally given all independent position though
classed with the Itamalgi, given by Perryman as an unclassified clan, and the
Pinwalgi or Turkey Clan. The Sopaktalgi, however, I never before heard of
associated with this group. They were always placed with the Takosalgi or Mole
Clan and the Tcokotalgi, and sometimes these were put in one phratry with the
Itcoalgi. Besides those clans already given. Perryman knew of two others, one
called the Atcialgi or Corn Clan, of unknown affiliations. The other, the
Panosalgi, is probably intended for Pahosalgi, a clan closely connected with the
Deer.

The Square Ground5

     The Square or Yard was called Tokfi'tta (or Tokfi'kta), but sometimes
Paskofa (Perryman spelled it "Pas-cofar" or "Pans-cofer").
     Three plans of Creek Squares are given, two of them evidently intended to
represent the same, while the third seems to be distinct. As the descriptions
given in the teat and the notes accompanying the sketches disagree in soiree
particulars, it is somewhat uncertain flow many Square Grounds are in question.
The third plan (fig. 13) bears a rather close resemblance in its arrangements to
what we know of Kasihta and is probably intended for it.6 a The four cabins
erected toward the four cardinal points are indicated by A, A, A, A, and, in
front of each, split logs are shown (B, B, B, B). The Chiefs (Makagi) who
belonged to White clans sat. in the west cabin, the Warriors (Tastanagalgi) and
spergers (Yaholagi), the former at least, from Red Clans, in the north cabin,
tile.


Figure 13.  Creek Square Ground or "Big House, probably that of Kasihta.


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5 Ibid., pp. 170-241; also cf. Smithsonian Misc. Colls., vol. 85, no. 8.
Tokfl'tta contain the word fl'tta, "yard." Paskofa means "the swept area."
6 See Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Amen. Ethn., p. 266.

Chief's Advisers (Taski henihalgi) and Borden-bearers (Imalalgi) or Warriors'
Assistants in the south cabin, and the women and children in that to the east.
The four cabins together were called the Big House (Teoko lako). C is the "Round
or Steep House" ( Tcoko faski ) .
    The other plans, combined in figure 14, may be intended to represent the
Okmulgee Square to which Pleasant Porter and Legus Perryman belonged but the
only other plan of that Square I have been able to obtain resembles that of
Kasihta.7 This also has four cabins but there is more detail regarding their
construction. Each measured 30 by 10 feet and consisted of two long seats, one
behind the other.  The roof was raised on nine posts (though only six are shown
in figure 13) and the ends were separated into two sections--in the minds of the
Indians if not otherwise--by a median line from front to back connecting the
three center posts.  The cabins were oriented so as to form a perfect square
facing inward, and twenty feet apart between the nearest posts. The fire was
kindled in the exact center of the enclosed space, and, as indicated in the
diagram, at the inner ends of four main logs arranged in the form of a cross and
oriented also toward the cardinal points. Close to the front posts of all the
cabins except that to the east, which was for the women and children, were four
seats for men of rank. The west cabin was that of the Chief (Miko) and in it
sat, as numbered, (1) the Town Chief (Talwa Miko), and (2) the Speaker
(Simiabaya). The Warriors (Tastanagalgi) sat in the north cabin and their
leaders at the places numbered 3-5. The Henihalgi sat in the south cabin and on
the fourth day of the annual busk the women (6) began their dance in front of
the east end of this cabin facing the singers (7) placed there for them. The
circle to the northwest marks the location of the "Round or Sharp House" said to
be 100 feet in diameter and 50 feet high. The sweepings from the ceremonial
ground made ridges of earth called tadjo which are indicated by the broken
lines. The circle, to the northeast represents a mound of earth heaped about a
tree and derived from the dirt and rubbish in the Square which was scraped up
annually and thrown there. The space intervening between this tree and the
Square is evidently the Chunk Yard, though it is not so designated. The location
of this was different in the different towns.
     According to the notes in the text the Sharp House was made around a, tall
tree or, if no suitable tree was available, a pole erected for the purpose.
Other poles were leaned against this and we are here told that it might. be
carried up to 60 feet. This was to furnish a shelter in case of rain. A fire was
maintained there and there is where they danced in bad weather. By an evident
error the text locates this at the "southeast" corner.
     In the construction of all of these buildings, certain persons were
assigned to the duty of procuring each of the timbers, and every clan had to
provide a special number of poles for the Sharp House. This assignment was never
varied.


Figure 14--Creek Square Ground or "Big House", perhaps that of Okmulgee.


     Every person know his place in the Square. The west and south cabins were
generally occupied by men of the White clans, but in one town we are informed
that they used only part of the south cabin and had some seats in the east cabin
instead. This exception may have been due to the fact that the Imalalgi,
assistants of the Warriors, were seated in the south cabin in the first plan
given.
     All of these Squares were arranged in accordance with certain measurements
and the Indians were as precise about these as if their lives depended upon it.

Government8

     Perryman said that each town consisted of a number of clans or rather a
number of segments of clans, and the Town Chief (Talwa Miko) was chosen from the
principal one. Whenever another clan increased in numbers and importance so as
to exceed that of the principal clan, a part or the whole of this clan would
separate from the village and establish a new one. This happened only when the
people were so numerous and the leading men so popular that they could induce
members of the other clans to unite with them in the enterprise. In this way the
chiefs of the several tribes came to be widely distributed among the clans. This
statement must, however, be taken with some qualification since a number of
related towns are known to have been governed by the same clan.
     In the Red towns the leading officers were selected from the military line
by the civil moiety, and the leading officers of the White towns(§) were
selected from the civil moiety by the people of the military moiety, in whom
inhered the military government and who to some extent took part also in civil
affairs, as in a similar manner the civilians took part in military affairs. But
questions of peace were decided by the people of the White towns, and civil
officers were chosen from their body. Questions relating to war were settled by
the people of the Red towns, and the military officers were chosen there from.
    


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

7 Ibid., p, 269.
8 Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Ethn., pp 276-333; Smithsonian Misc. Colls., vol
85, No. 8

Tribal Migrations East of the Mississippi                         






















     There was yet another class of people in the state, namely, the prophets
and medicine men or shamans. These constituted a priesthood, and performed
important functions. Every act of the Muskogee government, or of the officers
thereof, was considered a religious act. Councils were always convened with
religious ceremonies and the installation of officers was always opened
similarly. In the charge given to the officers at their installation, the
religious customs were enjoined and the importance of these shown. The festivals
held by the people were all religious festivals, were opened with religious
ceremonies, and were intended to inculcate religious ideas, so that when a
festival was held religious truths were always taught. Whenever punishment was
inflicted, the religious reasons there for were always explained to the culprit
and to the people. All punishment was explained as a washing away of the wrong.
Every officer of the government was also a religious officer and was virtually a
priest, and these officers were supposed to be repositories of religious truth,
so that the doctrines were handed down from officer to officer of the government
from generation to generation, and the method of selecting officers long in
advance of their installation was needful in order that the men might be trained
in the governmental, and especially in the religious, duties. In fact,
governmental and religious duties were held to be one and the same.
    The principal chief of a town, called Miko or Talwa Miko, was chosen out of
the domestic or White clans by the executive or Red clans. One class selected
the leader from the other class. In making studied the character and
qualifications of the best men that the particular group of clans had, and
talked about, the matter so, times for a week or more, finally selecting the man
they regarded as wisest and best. They did not, however, take a formal vote. The
names of a dozen men might be mentioned at first, and the number then harrowed
down to one. Afterwards one of the it number was chosen to deliver the decision.
He might be called a member of the Executive Council. These Town Chiefs never
held a higher office but the Executive Chiefs could be promoted. New members
were added by the Executive Council itself, but a great many clans had no man
fit for the position. They might number as many as 24 but, were often fewer. The
name of the new chief having been announced by these men, including a list of
his virtues, a committee of these same clans notified him in a speech which
lasted all night. He might refuse the honor absolutely. If he did they
approached him again, but if he refused the third time they left him alone.
However, a man of great prudence would refuse until the third time. He would not
consent at once, but if he finally accepted he would say: "If it, is your will,
then it must be so." When he had accepted the office the opposite line of clams
was notified of his acceptance. When it was thought to be necessary to change a
chief, the matter was taken under consideration a long time. They would say:
"This man is getting too old; his thoughts are getting short, and he cannot
finish an idea; he cannot rule wisely. Let us select some younger man to learn
the duties of the position." Then, after a long conference, another man would be
selected and notified. A man's son was never made chief in his father's stead.
His uncle was the nearest kin, being his mother's brother, and having the same
blood as his mother.
     The installation of chiefs.-When they installed a chief they put in his
hand a white wing or a white feather. White was the emblem of civic rule.
Sometimes they used the wing of a large white bird or white feathers from the
wing of a turkey. The fan was placed in his left hand, and in his right hand he
held a white staff.
     A long ritual speech was made by the celebrant to the officer who was being
installed. The first idea presented to him was this: "We put you on your bench
and put in your hands the white fan and the white staff of authority and we also
put in your care our women, our children, and people without number." They
always used these ceremonial expressions, and also said, "We put the laws of our
government in your hands." Then they told him that he must not occasion strife
nor permit it, that he must not allow the "crossing of sharp instruments,"
meaning any kind of internal tribal strife, and added, "We are under you; you
must see to it that this great calamity does not take place." They told him that
he must not govern by sharp instruments, that is, by war, but he must govern by
the law of wisdom. They told him that, his eyes must look downward, but that he
must not see the ground. This meant that he must, keep his people in view and
not be influenced by anything around him. There is a great deal involved in the
idea. He must look downward toward the ground but should see nothing crawling,
crawling things being evils or dangers to the public welfare. He must consider
only he interest of his people. The speech of installation was very lengthy.
     Two persons out of certain clans were appointed by the chiefs of the towns
to install officers, and the people followed them two or four deep. They
followed them about until they came and stood before the candidate, when these
two men walked out before him, conducted him to his bench, and proclaimed the
law to him.
     To be considered a person of great wisdom a man must be able, it was said,
to discuss fully and completely four lines of thought.. There appears to be some
confusion in the statement of these, but. it seems that the speaker first (a)
gave all the objections raised by the opponents of the solution he favored, then
(b) he answered those objections, (c) stated all the other objections to his own
ideas he could think of and (d) finally outlined his own position on the matter
in hand.  Usually this was done very elegantly by a skillful speaker, setting
forth in succession as convincingly as he could the cases for the negative and
affirmative, and often he did it so well that one would believe he advocated the
position opposed to his own.9


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

9 The four lines of thought are recapitulated right afterwards and in a somewhat
different manner.


  Rather brief mention is made of "the Chief or Superintendent of the Council
Square."  He seems to have been the man called in one place Tocko-lako-miko,
"Big House (i. e.. Square) Chief." His duties were plainly confined to matters
within the Square Ground, as his name implies, but he was also a kind of
lieutenant to the Town Chief and took his place on occasion. Therefore he was
usually called Miko Apokta, "Second Chief," and generally belonged to the same
clan as Miko.
     The chief's adviser and spokesman was called Heniha or Taski
Heniha. In one place it is said that he was "the Chief or Head
Herald or Speaker whose duty it was to declare the decrees and judgments of the
Principal Chief acting as the spokesman of the Council and through whom said
Principal Chief always conveyed to tile people the knowledge of the laws and
decisions of the Council in the establishment and enforcement of law arid
order." He had charge of certain feasts and festivals. He was supposed to be an
old man, thoroughly versed in the laws and traditions of the people. Sometimes
there was a fiction of age, for this office might be held by a young man. After
it decision had been reached by the Council, the Town Chief called this man to
him, and informed him of it, telling him just, what he must say to the people,
and then the other announced the decision in a loud voice to all present. Taski
Heniha seems to have been the name of the principal speaker to distinguish him
from the rest of the Henihas, for there were usually several, all drawn from one
clan or one phratry.
     As defined by Perryman, the Heniha appears to have performed the functions
elsewhere assumed by tile Yatika, "Interpreter." It is possible that in the
Okmulgee town, or perhaps an among the Lower Creeks generally, this was usual,
or it may have come about through a breakdown of the organization. In the Okchai
town, at least., the Heniha and Yatika were two different men, one sitting at
the right hand of the Miko, the other at his left., but it was the Yatika who
spoke. The position of Heniha was, however, hereditary in a special clan,
usually the Wind, and at least a White clan, while that of Yatika seems to have
been attained by merit. It. is possible that a Yatika was gradually introduced
owing to the fact that the Heniha would not always be endowed with the necessary
eloquence.
     The Tastanagi was a Military Chief whose duty it was to organize and have
in charge the warriors in the town, i. e., the men who were fit to take part in
warfare. In one place there is mention of two Tastanagis, and we know that there
were sometimes more than one, and that in such cases the principal warrior was
called Tastanagi lako, "Big Warrior." He was the Sheriff or Chief of Police
within the town as well as the Head Warrior outside of it.
     The Imalas are called "burden carriers" and are said to leave had certain
duties to perform in the festivals. They were in fact a. warlike grade below the
Tastanagis and acted as their lieutenants and messengers. Like the Tastanagis,
they were selected from Red clans.
     The name Yaholagi is given to several messengers, evidently those selected
to administer the Black Drink to the members of the Council.  In these notes a
more general function is indicated, "that of a crier or herald, or one who
announces or conveys to others the decisions or orders of his superiors," but.
their specific and original duty was probably as just given.
     The Chief Priest, Fire Keeper, or Fire Maker of the town (Tutkatitca), was
also known as Medicine Maker (Hilis-haya). In making a fire he bored one stick
into another until the fire started. Sometimes 12 men cooperated, one boring at
a time. At every Council the fire must be kindled by means of the fire drill and
by the Fire Maker.  He did not sleep on the night before he made the fire, being
supposed to work upon it all night. He is said to have as one of his duties that
of calling the Council together by beating upon a drum at the town house. He was
selected on account of his recognized abilities and appointed his own
subordinates. However, he seems usually to have belonged to the same clan as the
Town Chief and I was told that this was due to fear of treachery.
     There was a Councilman or Elder Man who represented in the town council his
clan or that segment of it which dwelt in his town. At times it became necessary
for all the segments of a clan to assemble to discuss and adjust. affairs which
concerned the entire clan. So many new towns came into existence in later times
that it happened that the jurisdiction and authority of the Elder Man or Head
Man of a segment in an important town came to extend over two or more segments
dwelling in contiguous towns, especially when these towns were only short
distances apart. Usually each segment of a clan in the several towns had its
special Elder Man but in some cases, where an original town had been divided
into two or more, and such divisions occupied adjacent sites, there might be a
common Elder Man for such segments, but the Elder Man of the entire clan was
supreme over all, and an important case might be submitted to him from any
segment.
     The clan regulated its own affairs, that is to say, the conduct of its
members in relation to one another. The Elder Man was the chief and usually the
oldest man, but if the oldest man had become incapacitated by reason of
senility, the next in age became the Elder Man. This officer was the teacher and
counselor of the clan, and his authority was great. When minor offenses were
committed complaint was made to the Elder Man, whose duty it was to advise and
warn tile offender. When offenses were more flagrant, or had been repeated after
warning, complaint was made again to the Elder Man and the offender was punished
in accordance with his judgment.
     Elsewhere it is said that this officer was called "the Ancient." Though
this office might be held by a person of any age and was sometimes occupied by a
mere boy, yet he was always called the Ancient One. Nevertheless, an old man
might lose his position on arriving at his dotage.
When matters of importance to the segment of a clan arose, this Ancient might
call a Council of the clan of all :those who had arrived at years of maturity.
The government and teaching of the youth of tile clan belonged to this Ancient.
It was his duty to instruct them, from time to time, in their duties and
obligations to one, another and to their elders and to the members of the clan.
Punishment for even childish derelictions could not be meted out without his
advice and consent, which was usually given in a formal manner. The boy or girl,
the young man or young woman, as charged with the offense and the Ancient heard
the evidence. He might decide that the charge was not well founded, and state
that the offender had never been advise to shun the conduct charge against him.
But if he decided that the offender had been duly advised regarding such evil
conduct as was specified in the charge, then the offender might be whipped by
members of his own clan. If matters of grave importance arose in the segment,
the Ancient might call a large Council of the clan, composed of the members of
two or more of the segments. At this Council the Ancient, or the one among the
Ancients who was regarded as the wisest, presided and rendered judgment.
     A man's status was indicated by his war or busk name. To the name of a
chief was appended the word Miko, to that of a warrior the first class the word
Tastanagi, to that of an individual belonging to a privileged peace clan the
word Heniha; and to the name at one of the second grade of warriors the term
Imathla. According to the informants there were two grades beneath these, one
indicated by the word Yahola, and a lowest which carried the name Fiksiko or
Hatco. The arrangement is given as follows, reckoning from the lowest grade up
(1) Fiksiko and Hatco, (2) Yahola, (3) Imathla, (4) Heniha, (5) Tastanagi,
"warrior," "leader of warriors," (6) Miko, "chief," or "town Chief."
and the following explanation is added:
     A lad on coming to maturity received his first name. He might be raised
subsequently to the second grade, especially if he early manifested wisdom. The
word employed for the second grade signified a crier or herald or one who
announced or conveyed to others the decisions or orders of his superiors. If a
lad belonged to a Red clan he might be raised to the third grade, and if to a
White clan to the fourth grade. Later he might be raised from the third grade to
the fifth or from the fourth grade to the sixth.
     The above statements are in line with those obtained by myself, except that
my informants did not define the two lowest grades clearly and I do not feel
certain that they were universally distinguished. The names Fiksiko and Hatco
were usually given to men known as common warriors (Tasikaya). In another place
it is said that the Yahola title was higher than Imathla, and that is quite
possible since the functions of the yahola criers were important and were
concerned with the cult of a being supposed to preside especially over the busk.
The later statement, is also evidently correct in claiming the yahola title
particularly for the White clans.
     The Ancient of the clan or Elder Man seems to be confounded sometimes in
the material at, hand with the Simiabaiya (or Isimiabaya), which means "he who
adds to," or "he who keeps (a body of people) together." In common usage it
meant "a leader," and he was usually described as "a chief who represents
national interests," one "who represents the town in the council of the
confederacy and who represents the town council in matters relating to the
confederacy." This is borne out by what is said regarding the manner in which he
was selected. We are told that the Simiabaiya came from the same section as the
Chief of the town, and that when he attended the General Assembly he usually
took with him one of the Tastanagis from the other bench. This is evidently on
the assumption that the town Chief belonged to a White clan. In the contrary
case, a leader among the Whites world probably be selected. Considerable is said
about the manner in which new Simiabiayas were selected but it leaves one in
doubt whether the position was retained in the same clan or whether it was
retained in two clans of opposite moieties and alternated between them. We read
that if the Simiabaiya "is of the clan of the Deer, they will take another man
from the Deer clan that has been schooled under him, or some old man of the same
clan, and he will be taught under that man. The young man steps into his place
from the same clan and the same family as the reigning Simiabaiya. Sometimes
they have two or three in training at one time." And yet some of the preceding
sentences seem to imply that there was an alternation between the Red and White
sides. Just above the Simiabaiya is identified with the Ancient of the clan and
it may be imagined that the two offices were often combined in one man. Again,
it is said that the clan chiefs were selected by agreement within the clans on
the ground that the individuals so selected were the best and wisest. men in the
clan and therefore able to represent their interests and assert their rights
before the chief. "They are elected usually without any vote, but by general
consent of the constituents in consultation."

The Councils10

     The Council was called Inlalaka, lalaka being a word which signified "great
men" or "officers." The town council is said to have been composed of the Town
Chief (Miko), the Square Chief (Tcoko-lako Miko), the "Speaker to the Chief,"
who in this case seems to be identified with the head Tastanagi, and a
Councilman from each of the clans, that is, its Ancient. Although it is not so
stated, I feel that it must leave included the other speaker for the chief, the
Taskheniha, though he may have been admitted to it as Ancient for his own clan.
This, indeed, appears to be indicated in another place.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

10 See footnote 8.

  It is said that town councils were called together by the Fire
Maker, presumably at the instance of the Chief. The Fire Maker
would go to the town house and beat upon the drum, and then summon the Town
Chief, the Square Chief, the man who had charge of the Square Ground ceremonies,
and three or four other Councilmen called "lawmakers." These last (§) would then
call the people together and state the case to them. If a trespass, for
instance, had been committed against some other town, the latter would appoint.
two persons to meet the others and agree upon some definite method of
adjustment. Representatives of both parties would meet and settle the
difference.
     It was the duty of the Ancient to call the clansmen together in council. If
they dwelt near one another, he sent a messenger to notify them. If they lived
far apart, he broke up a number of sticks and sent to each a bundle containing
as many sticks as there were days between that times and the date of the
Council. The one who received the sticks threw one away each day, and when he
threw away the last one he went to the place of meeting. In the town they all
lived within sound of the drum but they did not use it in calling the clan
together.
     At least some of the people were privileged to petition the Town Chief to
summon general gatherings. On such occasions the Taskiheniha, or the several
Henihas, were also consulted. After the Council had assembled the Chief would
set before its members the. reason for calling it, and tell them to take the
subject matter into consideration. This was communicated to them directly by the
Chief's Speaker.
     In the case of a Council of the Confederation, the lalakas, or "officers,"
included the Simiabaiyas, but it is uncertain how many others were added. It was
their duty to bring with them the officers of their respective towns, but these
were usually only listeners. There was commonly one presiding officer of this
Council with a second chief under him, but sometimes there were two of each. The
first usage was probably the original one, but it may have been changed to the
second "owing to some difference of opinion." The two principal chiefs had equal
power and so did the subordinates, but the latter had no duties to perform,
being merely in line of succession to the leadership. They would choose two
others to succeed them when they became principal chiefs. The presiding officer
of the Council informed the Town Chief of any decision that had been made,
whereupon the latter would go over the matter with his own speaker in a low
voice and the speaker would announce the decision to the officers of the town
there met together. It was duty of the officers to pay strict attention to this
so that they could repeat it substantially as it had been announced to them. The
speaker would instruct them that on their return to their respective towns they
must call their people together and communicate to them the laws or other
matters that had been resolved upon at the, General Council. They were also to
say what the result of disobeying these would be.
     There was no set time for the meetings of the Confederate Council. Whenever
these great men thought it necessary to call it together, it was summoned by
direction of the Chief. This apparently means the presiding officer of the
Council, who would then send the broken or split sticks to every town in the
nation which was expected to attend the Council.

Naming11

     The first personal name was given to a child at birth in commemoration of
an important event which might. have occurred then, or in remembrance of some
good or ill fortune that had befallen one of the older clan people, some one of
the mother's brothers or sisters or their children. That is, it might refer to
ail event which was connected with the person's immediate family or members of
his clan. For istance, if some person, perhaps the father or mother, ran away or
was thrown down, or if the father was on an expedition and a remarkable event
happened, the child born soon afterwards was named from that, occurrence. This
was the first name. It was a baby name, and it did not amount to anything. It
simply denoted the time of the child's birth. Sometimes, when nothing unusual
had occurred, the child was named from some peculiarity of the mother or father.
     But when the child reached puberty it became necessary to give it a new
name, and the right to select this inhered, not in the members of its own clan
or moiety, but in the members of the paternal clan or moiety on the other side
of the Council Fire. Certain persons within that clan had the matter in charge
because of their relationship.
     The proper notification of the, need for giving one of their offspring a
name having been made to the officers of the paternal clan, a suitable name was
chosen. A new name was not coined on each occasion, for each clan had a large
number of names peculiar to it which were constantly in use, being bestowed
again after the death of the bearer. On occasion two or more persons might have.
the same name.
     And so at the annual festival called poskita the Elder Man of the paternal
clan stepped forth at the proper time and called out loudly a certain name four
times in succession. The person to whom this name, was to be given did not know
that it was to be bestowed upon him, and he was then informed. Thereupon lie
stepped forth in front. of the said Elder Man and received the name along with a
present. Sometimes the name indicated the rank conferred because certain names
became attached to certain official positions, as has been explained elsewhere,
and installation into an office carried with it the name attached thereto. If a
young man was of great promise he might also receive a name belonging to the
highest rank of clan chiefs, or the highest to which lie might be entitled by
reason of his clan relationship.
     A youth was likely to receive first the names hadjo or fiksiko. Hadjo
signifies "excited," "enthusiastic," "mad," "crazy," and fiksiko "without a
heart," "brave." Hadjo denotes a lively or active person, au athlete. Fiksiko
means brave, courageous, literally "without feelings." Bestowal of the first
name meant that. the youth was now worthy of manhood.
     The titles given subsequently, Imathla, Tastanagi, and Miko, have been
described elsewhere. They carried with them official functions and special seats
on the Square Ground.
     Often men acquired two names or titles.
     Hopayuki was the highest name of all. The bearer of it combined the
qualities of a warrior and prophet and it was derived from hopayi which
signifies "a. prophet." Perryman added that it signified a traveled warrior, one
who lead been in foreign lands. A Civil Chief might also have this title. Those
who had it "did the thinking and the predicting," but the warriors carried out
their matured plans.

Marriage12

     When a man was considered by his clansmen entitled to a wife a conference
was held by the, elder men of the clan. The prospective groom must, however,
have the following virtues. He must. be a good hunter, a brave warrior, and an
athlete. Having decided that he was old enough and fully callable of becoming
the parent of children, a decision which gave him adult, status, the elder men
conferred with the elder women of the clan, saying to them in substance: "Our
young man," giving his name and qualifications, "should now have a wife. He is
now a man. He should have the orderly opportunity of having offspring and
strengthening our people the thereby."
     They and the women debated the question seriously and in the
best possible spirit, and the women took the matter under advise-
ment. It was naturally supposed that the women knew the qualifi-
cations of the marriageable women of other clans better than the men.
     They selected some family in a clan which had a cousin relationship with
their own and could intermarry with theirs and in which there were marriageable
woman.
     They asked this cousin clan to give them a wife for one of their mem. At
once the members of the cousin clan took the matter under consideration, the
elder women consulting with the elder men, saying; "Our cousin clan so-and-so
asps us to give them a wife from among our young unmarried women. What do you
think of this request?" The men thereupon considered the matter carefully, and
if they concluded that the young man was worthy of one of their daughters they
permitted the women to return on their behalf an indefinite answer but
nevertheless one of encouragement. Thereupon the young man was privileged to
make a present to the clan of his prospective bride. It was not necessary to
send the present directly to her very house, because the suitor was not supposed
to know, and usually did not know, the woman who had been chosen as his spouse.
If the clan elders accepted the present they sent it to the woman's house. The
suitor was notified and was then privileged to visit in that house,. The woman's
maternal uncles then talked with him confidentially but frankly. Finally they
told him to return to his own home and say that when they were satisfied that he
was the right kind of man they would send for him. That meant that he had been
accepted.
     On the appointed day they harangued him at length, telling of the duties he
was about to assume in his new relation as husband. They made him understand the
customs peculiar to the clan in which his children would be brought up, and they
made him understand what position he would occupy with regard to the people of
their clan. Finally they said: "You will find your wife in that house," or "You
will find your bed yonder;" indicating it with a gesture. She had purposely been
placed there already.
     In former limes it was customary to give away the oldest girl in the family
first, however undesirable she might be, especially if the suitor was not
considered a very desirable husband, but if he was liked shy might be passed
over. Sometimes a young man of great force of character would circumvent all the
finesse of matchmaking and would manage his case so adroitly as to obtain the
girl of his own choice. It depended upon his strategy. After that, being a
married man, he could go and came whenever he pleased.
     The groom was expected to leave his wife's house before sunrise every
morning until his wife became pregnant. He might then remain, but he must
suspend sexual relations with her. In the interval before the birth of the child
he was expected to build a house for himself, that is, if the house of her
mother was not big enough to accommodate another family. He might erect it near
the home of his parents-in-law or some distance away, depending upon his
inclinations.  Just before the child's birth the young husband was expected to
go off on a hunting trip.  He was not supposed to be at home on that occasion. 
But each clan had customs that were peculiar to itself.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

11 See Forty-second Ann. Rept. Bur. Anger, Ethn., pp. 97-108.

 If the betrothed woman eloped, and was not retaken before the next annual busk
when all offenses except murder were forgiven, she
was free.  But if she was recaptured within that time the penalty
imposed was very heavy. If the offence was committed within the same clan it was
not forgiven and meant death for both man and woman.
     When fornication occurred between individuals of different clans the matter
was compounded by the clans concerned. Certain demands were made for the loss of
the woman and these must be satisfied, but the abductor seldom gave the woman
up. Generally the penalty was a heavy fine as an equivalent for the loss of the
Woman and breach of the common law of marriage. The clan of the offender must
pay for the offence.
     If adultery had been committed and the guilty pair were captured, they were
severely punished. The people of the man's clan were called together to exact
the penalty. The offenders were beaten with rods until they were insensible, and
then the end of the nose was cut off or it was slit lengthwise, or one of the
ears of each culprit was cut off or it was sawed with a dull knife, so that no
one would be attracted by either in future. Mr. Perryman says that for the
first. offence both ears were cut off and for the second the nose.
    In reply to a question regarding the punishment for the violation of a
widow, Mr. Porter said that the violator of a widow was punished exactly as
though her husband were living. She belonged to his clan.
     After the death of a married man the clan elders assembled and, after
consultation, chose someone from their clan who was in duty bound under clan
custom to marry the widow. If he did not wish to marry her he must: nevertheless
take her as his wife for one night, after which his claim to her was
extinguished. Then the clan elders chose another man. One member of the clan had
the right to select him. Although the man chosen already had a wife, clan law
nevertheless required him to take the widow. The old men said that. the man who
did not intend to marry a widow took her to his home and kept her there for a
single night without having sexual relations with her. That would have been
unjust, they said, if he had intended to turn her away immediately afterwards.
Still, he could have such relations with her and then release her.
     When a man married a woman who had a sister or sisters younger than
herself, he might claim the right to marry them, and if he had done well by the
first he was entitled to the others, but he had nothing to say about giving them
away.

Education13

     The father lead no more to do with the discipline and education
of his children than an alien. He could not punish their misconduct
in any way, but he had such a right in some other man's family, i. e., in the
family of the man who had married his sister. It was the mother's clansmen who
might punish the children of their sister. The husband might sit around and talk
in his wife's house but. he had no authority there. He had full authority if he
wished to exercise it in the house of his sister and her husband.
    When children arrived at a certain age the sexes were kept strictly apart.
This age was not definitely fixed, but probably it was when there. might be
danger that the children would think of having carnal intercourse with one
another. The girls were controlled by the elder women. They had to sleep apart
and to bathe in pools separate from those used by the boys. The girls had to
bathe in streams of flowing water below the point at which the boys and men were
bathing if necessity compelled them to use the same stream. The boys and men
must not cross the path by which the girls and women went to the stream. The
boys were kept strictly from the girls until they obtained wives or until they
had passed the age of indiscretion.
     In every town there was an old man who taught. the children. It is implied
that there was only one in a town, but it is evident that he was identical with
the Ancient or Elder Man mentioned above and that he was a clan functionary or
functioned over a group of related clans. He went from house to house, gathering
the children around him and telling them tales, singing songs, instructing them
first in their duties at hone, obedience to their superiors, their mothers,
their uncles (the fathers were not often present), instructing them that they
must not tell falsehoods, must not steal, must not injure anyone, must not
fight, must not quarrel, must not kill, and so on. As soon as they were 6 years
old the boys were instructed to bathe in a stream every morning before sunrise,
especially in winter. They were taught to play ball, and once every year they
were "scratched," that is, the muscles of their calves and their thighs in front
were scratched until the blood ran out in order to make them grow and to harden
them. This was continued until they were 15 and it was regarded as an honor for
a young man at the ball games to show his scratches in regular order on his arms
and legs.
     When he was 15 a boy on attendance at a night festival would hear a strange
name called out several times and then his own name., after which some friend
would come for him, take him from the shed of the women and children in the
Square Ground, and conduct him to one of the men's sheds, and after certain
ceremonies an old man would give him some token, make him an address, and tell
him that he was no longer a child but a man. The boy then waved the token over
his head and uttered his first war whoop, shouting "Hi-yo-ke-toh," the war
whoop.
     The object of all instruction was to develop a fine body and a good
character. The girls were instructed in their ditties by the same old man, but
they were not required to bathe every day. There was a girl's game of ball,
different from that of the men. It had a single pole and the ball was thrown by
the hand at a mark on the pole, every hit counting one.
     When a boy had been detected in an offence, let us suppose it to be theft,
he was brought up for trial and the question was put to the old man, "Has he
been taught not to steal?" The reply might be, "Yes, over and over again. He is
a bad boy and would not heed instructions." And then, if he was proven guilty,
he would be punished severely, generally with the "long scratch," a deep and
ugly incision extending from his arms down over his breast and down each leg, or
down his back, or both These scratches were readily distinguishable from those
given boys at the annual festivals.
     But if the teacher said that the boy (or girl) had never been taught, no
punishment would be inflicted.

 These teachers taught young people about the laws and the penalties attaching
to the infringement of them, for though the children would hear the laws
proclaimed at every festival, they would not understand them, and so the teacher
had to explain them carefully.
     If it became evident that a teacher was neglecting his duty another would
be put in his place. There was no formal appointment. The people simply sent for
him to come and instruct their children. He was usually a medicine man.
     Sometimes a woman would study medicine and become a doctor but no woman
held any office.
     Boys were early instructed in the ball play, as it was considered the best,
means of developing their muscles, since it was accompanied by running and
wrestling. The old men said it was invented at a time when there was no war and
therefore there were no enemies to fight. They called it the "Little War." The
name of it was Po-ko-its it-ten, "Hitting at a ball," and sometimes
Ah-fats-kee-tah, "Amusement," (Related by L. Perryman, December 14, 1882.)

Crime14

     The fundamental idea regarding punishment was that it cleansed
the culprit from the guilt of his crime. Criminals carried no guilt with them
out of the world. After undergoing the prescribed punishment the culprit was
innocent. It mattered not what he had done. If the law and custom had been
enforced against him (or her) he was thereafter, to all intents and purposes, as
innocent and as honorable as any other man in the community.
    If a person of one clan killed a member of another it was held that the
crime had been committed against the entire clan, and it was the right and the
duty of every member of the aggrieved clan to seek reparation from the other.
     The Ancients of the injured clan formally demanded satisfaction of the
other. Two persons were generally selected to carry the news and make the
demand. They dressed in a certain way and put certain marks on their persons.
They always dressed in haste. Before they reached the edge of the town they
rushed forward shouting and were perfectly safe when coming in this manner. No
person might then interrupt them. No one might touch them. While on such
missions they were, sacred. They then lead a right to deliver the message, and
no person could question them. If there was no dispute as to the facts, the
clansmen adjusted the matter without an appeal is the higher authorities, by one
of the following methods:
     Atonement by adoption and substitution.-If the murderer was a man of
consideration, a fine ball player, a valiant warrior, or a successful hunter,
and an excellent man in every way, the clan of the murdered man, when they held
their council, might say: "Had we not better save this man? We cannot bring back
our own kinsman. Here are his mother, his family, his sisters who are dependent
on him. Let, us, then, save this man's life." Thereupon, he would be adopted to
take the place and position of the murdered man. It was not always necessary for
a prisoner of war to run the gauntlet before being adopted by some member of the
clan. Sometimes the wife of the murdered man accepted the murderer as her
husband after he had been adopted into the clan. In like manner, the mother of
the murdered son or daughter might adopt the murderer in place of such a child.
     Atonement by heroic deeds.-If the injured clan had lost one or more of its
members in war with another tribe and such injury was still un-avenged, the
murderer might volunteer to become the avenger, in which case, if the
proposition was accepted, he might at once, proceed to perform his self-imposed
task. To this usage Muskogee tradition attributed the origin of the custom of
taking scalps as evidence of victory.
     Atonement by payment of wergild.-If the murdered man was a person of low
standing in the tribe, a warrior of no renown, a poor hunter, a generally
worthless fellow, and the murderer was a man of high standing, and if the latter
had a brother or cousin of the same standing as the murdered man, the brother of
low degree was usually substituted for the real murderer.
     Atonement by death.-If the murderer himself was a man of small repute it
often happened that his clansmen consented to his death, and then the clansmen
of the murdered man were permitted to execute the sentence. If the members of
the clans interested failed to settle the difficulty speedily the matter was
usually brought up before the Council of the Town and settled there. Generally
three men, but sometimes six, were selected to hear the evidence. The fact that
a murder had been committed was sometimes called to the attention of the clan by
the Town Chief. In case the parties to the murder belonged to different towns
and the clansmen failed to adjust the difficulty the case was brought up before
the Council of the Confederation. But if a man killed one of his own clansmen
the matter was settled wholly within the clan. No compensation or other
satisfaction was made by the clan itself; in this case, the only question that
arose concerned the advisability of killing the murderer. The friends of the
murdered man might claim their right to take his life, and they might proceed to
the killing; but if the murdered man was of less eminence than the murderer, an
attempt was usually made by the most closely related clansmen to placate with
gifts the anger of the nearer relatives and friends of the murdered man by
repeating to them what an injury to the clan it would be to lose a man of such
high standing.
    When the murderer was a man of distinction he was executed with arrows, but
the old women finished a man of no consideration with a war club, and a woman
was also executed with a war club. Time was given before the execution to
prepare for the death ceremonies. Sometimes the criminal was sent to a hostile
town where he was executed by those who did not know him. If his own town
decided to execute him it was done by certain officers who had this among their
functions.

It may be mentioned as a curious fact that if the executioners failed to kill
their victim at the first attempt it was held that some mystic power had
interposed, and the offender was adjudged in consequence was interpreted as
involving mystic interference.
     If a serious personal difficulty arose between members of different clans
it was settled simply by agreement between the clans. All difficulties of this
nature were settled by calling the town together. In case a member of one clan
lost an eye by the act of a member of another clan, one of the other clan must
also sacrifice an eye if reparation was not otherwise made.
     With respect to a very troublesome man, his own kinsmen, his own clan would
kill him unless, after due warning, he mended his ways, for they had determined
that he was not worthy of life that he would corrupt the young men and cause
them to do evil, and that he was not capable of raising good children, for these
children would be bad like him. If a man were outlawed no individual might kill
him, but after they had related to him his evil deeds as a warning to others, he
was executed by the collective body.
     If a man or woman stole, an object, the injured clan through its own
spokesman notified the clansmen of the culprit. After hearing the evidence the
accused clan was obliged to bring forward a return or payment of equivalent
value. Twofold was the custom of the Creeks; they never attempted to deny the
theft if they were satisfied with the character of the evidence. The clan as a
whole examined the evidence brought forward to support the charge. If they found
the charge true (and their own honor made it necessary for them to find out the
truth about it), they decided what should be done under the circumstances.
Sometimes in making reparations they turned the culprit over to the offended
clad for punishment, where he might be whipped or otherwise punished, although
his own clan could pay for the stolen object. But if he was a good man in other
respects they willingly paid for the stolen object. If the clan made the
reparation by returning the object stolen with a good-will offering or by paying
the equivalent of the stolen property, in making reparation the clansmen
declared to him the law of theft, pointing out the different steps in wrongdoing
which had brought him to this culpable act and the evil consequences of the act
as well. The restitution or reparation being made, the offender was considered
just as good as any other member of the clan, his physical punishment had the
same effect.

Ceremonies15

     A number of festivals were held during the year determined by certain
phases of the moon. Anciently it was customary to hold such meetings every month
to give and receive counsel and also for enjoyment. There were two principal
festivals, a lesser and a greater.
     The former took place in the spring, usually early in April, and in the
south generally at the time when berries, such as mulberries, were getting ripe.
The town chief notified his people, and particularly the medicine man, when it
was time to hold it. Then the people assembled at the bush ground after dark and
danced all night--men, women, and children. In the morning the men swallowed the
medicine (pasa) which soon caused violent vomiting, but the women and children
mereiy washed their hands and faces in it. This was prepared during the night,
the medicine man blowing into it and a weak solution of miko hoyanidja (red
root) was prepared and carried home for those unable on account of sickness to
be present. During the morning the people all went home carrying some of this
medicine with them to the sick who were not required to take the strong emetic
(the pasa). The assembly was dismissed after the rehearsal of the several duties
which devolved upon each one.
     The great festival, called Poskita or Busk, which signifies "to fast," was
held when the corn was large enough for roasting ears, generally in July or
August, and at a certain time of the moon. Towns differed as to the time of the
moon but each always held it at the same time annually.
     The town chief first called a meeting to dance and during the night of the
dance he delivered bundles of sticks of seven each to the Tastanagi, who then
proclaimed that the "broken days" were made, i. e., that the time was appointed
and the sticks ready for distribution, and that the people must prepare to hunt
before the great ceremony took place. This was perhaps the assembly called
Hilis-cinet-kita, "Medicine overnight," at which they took medicine to prepare
their bodies for the reception of the maturing crops and the ripening fruits. At
these meetings the same ritual was observed, an important feature being the
rehearsal of the chief points of their laws, in the nature of an epitome. The
speakers would point out in what respects they feared the young and unruly among
them were going against the provisions of their laws, and the penalties that
must follow such infractions.
     Each of the principal men for whom the bundles had been prepared took one,
threw a stick away the first day and continued doing so until the seventh day,
when all assembled at the Square Ground again and danced all night. They could
hunt during the entire intervening period or at any time within it. On the next
day, the eighth, the town chief again delivered bundles of sticks to the
Tastanagi and he announced that the broken days were "made" for the Great
Festival. They threw away one stick as they began to clean up the Square Ground,
a proceeding which generally took them not more than an hour, and then they went
home to breakfast.
     On the next day, the second of the busk series of "broken days," all
remained at home making preparations to move to the Square Ground.
     On the third day the people assembled at the Square with the game which
they had killed already prepared, like the rest of the provisions, so that it
would keep during the busk. That night there was an ordinary dance, lasting
about two hours, participated in by men, women, and children. There were no
important dances on that night.
     On the morning of the fourth day a fire was kindled in the Square by the
medicine man with the use of two sticks rubbed together, medicines also being
used. The men then assembled in the Square, and sat around, and the women
brought provisions there and laid them down. The men ate in the Square that day
but the women had to eat at their camps. The best of the provisions were
supplied but no new vegetables, no new corn. If persons from other towns were
present they were also invited to eat. At midday, while the men were eating, the
women danced the Its-hopunga, "Gun Dance," each woman standing alone and
circling about the fire. Before they began, a speech was made by the Great
Tastanagi of the town, in which he rehearsed briefly the traditional history of
the people, emphasized the importance of the festival they were observing, and
informed them that it had existed from immemorial times. He gave the traditional
story of the founding of the town and the origin of the festivals, detailing
briefly the rules governing them. He called the attention of the people to the
importance of preserving them because they tended to preserve their health and
prolong their lives. He exhorted his people to follow their leaders and keep in
the ways of their fathers. He also told them that this was the right time for
the festival. These speakers always referred to a long-past home in the east
where the sun rises. This form of expression was used even when they lived in
Georgia.
     In preparation for their dance the women put on their finest costumes, with
plumes, shells around their necks and ankles. There were three leaders who wore
terrapin shells. Three men were stationed in the south cabin, and when the women
leaders were ready these musicians began to sing, accompanied by drums and
rattles made of terrapin shells or a coconut filled with pebbles and provided
with a handle. The women danced around the fire four times. Then they retired
and rested, returned and danced around the fire four times more, and continued
in this way until they had danced four several and separate times, making four
circles around the fire each time. The men sang and kept time to the music of
the drum and shells, and the women kept time with their feet and by rattling
their shells. It took about two hours to complete this dance.
     Meanwhile, after the chief had finished his address, a number of young men,
who lead been standing about a hundred yards away, around the mound in the
tadjo, gave a whoop and ran away to the prairie to obtain the medicine. In about
an hour they returned bearing this on poles and delivered it to the chief
medicine man. This medicine was the pasa (button-snake-root) and it is a very
violent emetic.
     That night there was another ordinary dance by the men, women, and
children. The men sang as they danced but the women and children only whooped.
     On the fifth day no woman and no man who was not undergoing the
purification was allowed to enter the Square Ground. The medicine being now
ready, the fasting men drank it, beginning at daylight; certain chosen men
bringing it to them. Each drank until he was full and vomiting was induced. That
night the fasters danced and kept it up all night. They ate nothing all that
day. Many different dances were performed and if anyone fell asleep he, had to
pay a fine.
     On the sixth day the men drank a decoction made from the leaves of the asi
(Ilex vomitoria). This was taken at intervals until midforenoon, perhaps 9
o'clock, and they danced the Feather Dance. Then they ate, or rather drank, a
thin gruel made of corn called sofki, the water and corn being simply cooked
together. No salt must be used. They could now eat the new corn, but without
salt, and melons and similar food might also be eaten. They continued to dance
the Feather Dance during the rest of the day but remained in the Square Ground
and might not touch anyone who had not partaken of the medicine (pasa?). That
night they slept in the cabins or on the Square Ground.
     On the seventh day they began dancing the Feather Dance early in the
morning. Each dancer bore a pole decorated with feathers, half of them,
belonging to the White Clan Cabin, having white feathers, and half, belonging to
the Red Clan Cabin on the north side of the Square, having black feathers. There
were two dance leaders and all followed them in two rows, a white-feathered pole
being followed by a black-feathered pole, and so on. The men sang while they
danced. After this the ground was swept clean, preparatory to admitting all the
other people.
     The notes are confusing at this point, but I understand that the
women now brought provisions into the Square, but nothing that had been cooked
with salt.
     Two men were then sent out to tell the women to prepare to dance the Red
War Dance, the War Dance, the Paint-Up Dance ("to paint up for war"), the native
name of which is Its-atitska. Both men and women painted up but only the women
danced. The singers painted one side of the face black and the other side red.
This was the "War paint." Just before the women began dancing another long
speech was made telling of their wars, of their great warriors, and great deeds,
in order to encourage the young men to become great warriors and leaders. If a
war was on foot the warriors would be ready to set out, being now purified. Then
the women, without any men, came out and danced this War Dance. The three
leaders had boards made in the shape of tomahawks, painted red, and decorated
with black and white feathers, and they shook there as they danced. They danced
around the fire and then rested, repeating this four times. In modern times some
of the women have had guns or pistols which they discharged while dancing. This
dance was like the first women's dance. It was controlled by the Red Clans while
the other was controlled by the White Clans. The great Feather Dance, however,
was controlled by both jointly. This one dance lasted several hours.

Then followed a Buffalo Dance by the men, stripped naked and wearing only their
breechclouts, ornaments on their arms, tiger tails, and ornaments and buffalo
horns on their heads. It followed the war dance by the women. One man sang and
the rest grunted like buffalo, and they stooped down as they danced. They
pretended to paw the ground and bellow.
     They feasted afterwards.
     Then came a rest until sunset. After nightfall they began the night dances
with singing and whooping--no war dances-only peace dances. First they danced
the Old Dance, participated in by men, women, and children who danced first
around the mound in the Tadjo and then inside the Square. It was followed by
common amusement dances or "stomp dances" which lasted all night. In these they
imitated the cow, horse, quail, etc. They came to an end at daylight and then
all left for their homes.
     Mention is made elsewhere of the Crooked Arrow Dance and the Dance with
Knives. It is also said that they took medicine for four days while the above
schedule allows for but three.
     Late in the autumn it was customary to assemble the people for the purpose
of performing Medicine Dances which were like those performed in the spring.
     All these dances were not solely for the old men or solely for the ball
players, but as well in order to give the young men and the young women
enjoyment. One group of social units commonly sent
a challenge to their opponents in ball-play in the following words
"Our young men have become lonesome for the lack of pleasure and
for this reason we are sending to challenge you to a game of ball." At all
meetings there was dancing and enjoyment for young and old, and when it was time
to separate a speaker of known ability addressed the assembly with words of good
counsel.
     First the speaker would say that they had assembled for amusement and
instruction and then he would follow with an outline of the general law of
morals observed by the people. He pointed out the great danger to the peace of
the community involved in forgetting or overstepping that, law. The penalty for
these transgressions was set forth in brief but forcible terms. Afterwards he
announced any new law or regulation adopted by the chiefs and councilors with
the injunction that it be carefully observed. He summarized the reasons which
had moved their leaders to enact it after having given the matter due
consideration, telling the people that their chiefs had discussed it at length.
He admonished all to obey their leaders without question, for it was intimated
that they knew best the principles of their moral law. The people thus received
an outline of it and were instructed to carry it out.
     Usually the kindred towns were invited to these assemblies. Their
representatives were assigned certain places in the Square and took part in the
ceremonies performed there. It was merely a matter of courtesy to ask them to
take part. in the ceremonies. They had nothing to do with the internal affairs
of the town that entertained them.
     In emergencies these kindred towns were sometimes asked in to aid if the
town itself could not decide on the proper measures to take. Their decision was
then accepted as the law of the town in question.
     There is a note to the effect that the women danced on each of the four
days on which the men took medicine, but this seems to be an error.

Guardian Spirits

     Innutska is said to have. been the naive of the tutelary deity which came
to a youth when he was fasting at the time of puberty. It seems to mean
literally "What-comes-to-him-in-sleep." The girls are said to have acquired
their guardian spirits "through the medium of remarkable dreams" and so there
may not have been much difference between the two. Indeed, our text continues,
"both male and female persons may acquire fetishes through such dreams or by
adopting an object, or a portion of an object which has impressed the partaker
as exhibiting magic power, such as a fierce animal or striking rock, or an
element of some weird experience." The editor has no parallel to this in his
material.

Medicine16

     When a person was taken ill his near kindred appointed one of their number
to take an article he had worn to the prophet who subjected it to a searching
examination (by means of certain drugs?) for the purpose of ascertaining the
cause of the illness. If he succeeded he told his clients the name of it but he
himself gave no medicine.
     Diseases were carefully classified, and as soon as the disease was
known the remedy was known and recourse was had to the  medicine man or a
medicine woman. This person possessed a pouch, usually made of the whole skin of
some animal, which was well filled with the remedies known to him or her. Some
were compounded from roots, leaves, or herbs as well as pebbles, shells, or
other strange objects, each of which had been acquired in accordance with
certain esoteric formulae known only to an inner circle of the medical
fraternity of the community. Each drug was prepared during the singing of a song
peculiar to it, and it is added that this took place during a meeting of the
medicine men of the community, but I feel uncertain regarding this. Usually the
words of this song describe the preparation of the medicine in great detail,
although in terms which are largely metaphorical.

 Many diseases were attributed to the influences of animals, such as the bear,
buffalo, beaver, and deer. If a person had stomach trouble it might be said that
the beaver had built a dam across it. If he was afflicted with boils it might be
said that ants had raised small anthills on his flesh. Another animal was said
to cause diarrhea. If a person touched an eagle without using the proper
medicine he would have a wry neck. Rheumatism was caused by a fabulous monster.
When one sneezed it was said someone was talking about him.
     In order to become a medicine man or a medicine woman a person must fast a
certain number of days, must learn the prescribed songs, must prepare medicines
(and charms) according to well-established formulae, must remain in seclusion at
times, and must then use the medicines which had been thus prepared when called
to minister to the sick. This process of instruction and initiation continued
four moons in each year for four successive years. Each medicine must be learned
in four days. Some practitioners would refuse to administer remedies for certain
diseases and would send the patient to another who was regarded as a specialist
in that subject.
     Four was a sacred number among the Creek. It will be remembered that the
novice in medicine fasted for four days. One must sing a song for four days
detailing the virtues of the medicine and teaching what it would do. Thus the
number four appeared in numerous places. There were four days assigned in which
to learn each remedy and four months in each year of a four-year period for
completing the medical course. Again, a man might not have sexual relations with
his wife for four months after the birth of a child.  A sick man must use a
remedy during four consecutive days. Mr. Porter said that, certain herbs were
collected one at a time on four successive days, and successively on exposures
toward the east, the south, the west, and the north.
     The medicine man or woman was exempt from all manner of work except the
preparation and administration of remedies. The head medicine man of the town
must prepare and kindle the council fire, although, in a figurative sense, this
was supposed to be burning always.
     The chief prophet of the tribe (or town), who might be at the same time the
medicine man, had charge of the war medicines, which are said to have been
prepared at a secret conclave of the medical fraternity. He was much feared
because of his supposed power to cure or cause fatal illnesses. It was believed
that he had one medicine potent enough to make the ground quake, another to
cause the enemy to lose their way, another to make the ground swampy, another to
bring on a rainfall that would obliterate all tracks, others to lengthen or
shorten distances another to bring on heavy fogs, another to make arrows go
straight to the mark, another to transform men into certain animals such as the
wolf (fox) or owl, so that they might spy out the enemies' camp without being
detected, and still another, the greatest of all, to cause the warriors to have
an aspect terrifying to their enemies.
     This great medicine man would stanch the flow of blood and heal wounds
received in war. The first thing done to such a wounded man was to have him eat
certain kinds of earth, one of which was the clay or mud brought up by the
crawfish (fakkitali, lit. "raw dirt"). This crawfish earth was also applied to
the wound externally. Then he was secluded so that no woman might see him, lest
one in her catamenial period should lay eyes on him. It was believed that, if
such a woman should lay eyes on him, his cure would be impossible.
     Grayson added that the medicine man could make a medicine capable of
transforming the human body into a sieve so as to allow an arrow or bullet to
pass through him without occasioning injury. This condition of the body was
known as E-sar-la-weatch-e-toh.
It was commonly believed that a man who killed another was haunted by the
latter's spirit and would become insane, meaning "troubled by the spirit,"
unless he was purified. It was also believed that a person who merely associated
with an unpurified murderer must himself be purified lest he lose his sanity.
     Insanity was treated as follows. First, four clear white pebbles were
selected and placed in a cup of clear water. Over this certain ceremonies were
performed and certain songs sung. Then the medicine man took some of the water
into his mouth and spurted it violently upon the head of the insane man, also
causing him to drink from the cup four times. It was believed that this
performance gave the medicine man power over the insane person who thereafter
was compelled to do his bidding and was treated in various ways until finally
cured.

Witchcraft17

     One of the duties of the medicine man was to apprehend sorcerers, witches,
or wizards who had committed some offense against the welfare of the community,
using arts and craft superior to theirs. When a person was convicted of such an
offense-by well-established, many, and severe ordeals and tests-he was condemned
to death. He was then placed in charge of the medicine man. It was said that a
person under charge of witchcraft must show that he had greater powers than the
medicine man, thereby proving, I suppose, that he had been falsely accused. "He
would try to show a great fire and then vanish out of sight."
It was believed that wizards could take out their intestines containing their
life spirit and transform themselves into owls, flickers, etc., after which they
would fly through the air to perform their misdeeds. Therefore owls and other
birds of ill omen were held in great terror. The owl referred to is commonly the
great horned owl.

Souls18

     A man was believed to have two souls, first, the spirit which goes with him
through life and talks to him in his dreams and is called the good spirit, being
named inu'tska, which signifies "his talent," "his ability," "his genius." It
was thought to be seated in the head. There was also the spirit or soul of the
dead person, yafiktca, lit. "his entrails." Sentiments, passions, feelings of
good and evil, are said to come from the latter; thought, planning, devising
from the former.

There seems to be some confusion in the text between heart and head, the former
being fiki, the latter fiktoi. It was declared that the "life spirit"' resides
in the intestines and does not leave them until after a person's death. (See
Witchcraft.) Some, however, believed that the life spirit could leave the body
without bringing on death, as in sleep and dreams.
     The term hisakita, "the breath," was applied to the agency of the great
prophet above, but, according to one statement, was also applied to the life
spirit.

Story of the Man who Became a Tie-Snake19

     Among Mr. Hewitt's papers was a version of this story of which I Have
published five more. It was written down at Washington D. C., June, 24, 1883,
perhaps by Porter or Perryman but more likely it was one of the tales collected
by Jeremiah Curtin to which Hewitt refers in his report to the Chief of the
Bureau. It runs as follows
     Two Indians, one of whom was named Kowe, went upon a hunting expedition and
were singularly unsuccessful. Before they killed anything their supplies of food
became exhausted and they had nothing to eat. One evening, as they were walking
along through the forests, feeling very hungry and dejected, Kowe noticing
nearby the hollow stump of a tree which had been broken off near the ground,
approached it and found that it contained water. Upon closer examination he
found a few small fishes swimming about in this which he captured in order to
use them as food.
     When night came on and they could not well proceed farther, the hunters
halted and established a camp or resting place for the night. Dressing the fish
and preparing them for the evening meal, Kowe invited his companion to join him
in eating them. The latter, however, declined, saying that, as the fish had been
caught in a very unnatural place, he feared that they had become in some way
unfit for human food, and would have a bad effect on anyone eating their. He
advised Kowe  himself not to eat them but the latter was very hungry and was not
deterred by his friend's fears.
     At the time they retired to rest no ill consequences showed themselves, but
late in the night Kowe was heard to groan and make sounds as if he were in great
misery, so that his friend was awakened. On inquiring the trouble, Kowe replied:
"You cautioned me last evening against eating those fishes, but I did not heed
you and ate them, and that, I apprehend, is the cause of my present calamity. I
am now spontaneously and steadily taking on a hideous form, an end which I can
neither avert nor control, and it is distressingly painful. I wish you to get up
and look at me, but I hope you will not be afraid of me, for no matter what my
form proves to be, I shall never forget our friendship or harm you."
     Upon this the friend got up and, lifting the covering from his unfortunate
friend, found that he was gradually being metamorphosed into a snake, a large
portion being already coiled up in the bed. He replaced the covering and bore
his grief in silence. When morning came and it was light Kowe had turned into a
fully developed snake of hideous appearance. He was, however, able to converse
with his friend in human language and he solicited him to follow him back to a
lake or pond of water which they had passed the day before. On their way there
the snake requested his friend to return home and inform his wife and all of his
relations of the occurrence, and to tell them that he desired they should all
come out to the pond to see him for the last time. He further directed that he
should bring back a saoga or rattle to rattle on the bank so that he would know
that his wife and relatives had come to see him, whereupon he would appear to
them.
     Having given these directions to his friend, he disappeared in the depths
of the lake which they had now reached. The friend immediately returned home and
reported what had happened to him, delivering also his message to his wife and
relatives.
     As soon as possible the relatives and many others went to the pond to view
the strange sight, the news of which was uppermost in everyone's mind. On
reaching the pond the friend began to shake his rattle and sing, calling "Kowe!
Kowe!" as he had been instructed to do. Thereupon the waters of the pond began
to roll and bubble and show considerable commotion, and presently an enormous
snake appeared. Coming up to the shore where stood a great crowd of spectators,
it laid its head on the lap of the woman who had been its wife during the days
of its humanity. Its head was now surmounted by a pair of horns. It happened
that the woman was provided with a sharp instrument and with this she cut. the
horns off as mementos of him who could no more be her companion.
     These horns were found to have value to anyone who had a portion of one,
giving him luck and success in the hunt. It is said that a song or chant
something like the following must be sung before going out with the horn to hunt
     He coiled himself up
     He loosed himself out of his coil
     He straightened himself out
     He went in a zigzag way
     He glittered toward the sun
     He disappeared in the water
     The water bubbled.
     On account of the virtues attributed to it, this snake's horn at once
became a charm greatly desired by every hunter, and in course of time it was
broken up into very minute pieces in order that its virtues might reach and
benefit as many men as possible. I (i. e., the recorder of the story) have been
informed by a friend who has a minute fragment of this so-called horn that, it
is a little red particle which will float if placed in water.

The Origin of the Natchez Indians

     The Natchez have a tradition that they came from the sun, that the sun is a
woman who has monthly discharges, and that one of these dropped upon the earth
and turned into a man. They think that when they die the sun will expire, and
that it shines only for them.
     This origin story is identical with the origin myth of the Yuchi and it
would be of very great importance if we could be certain that the Yuchi were in
no way responsible for it. It is in keeping with the solar worship of both
Natchez and Yuchi.